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Introduction
Though rapidly
urbanizing, Yemen is still a very rural country. Nearly three
quarters of the population leads a traditional, rural life in
sometimes very remote mountain villages. Poverty is widespread,
social injustice is deep. Begging is common in the streets of the big
cities. Women are denied an equal position in society. Healthcare is
improving fast.
Poverty
According to
international figures, throughout modern times, Yemen was the poorest
Arab state, the poorest state of the Middle East, and one of the
poorest states of Asia. Perhaps it is better to compare Yemen with
African standards of living. In 2007, Yemen ranked 153 on the UN
poverty index of 177 states, surpassing only twenty four African
countries. The average annual income officially stands at $760. Close
to half the population (45%) lives on less then $2 a day, a third
only has $1 or less to spend a day.
The disparities in
Yemen are great. Judging by the figures, the rural population is
poor, but is largely self-sufficient, with home produce to fall back
on. The situation is worse for the urban poor, for whom there is no
escape from hunger. Beggars are common in the streets of Yemeni
cities. Hungry people wait for leftovers outside roadside
restaurants. The situation has barely improved during the past two
decades, any improvement being outweighed by the strong population
growth.
That said, there are
also many wealthy inhabitants and a growing middle class. A
significant portion of the oil money, qat profits and remittances
from expatriate workers goes unrecorded, but feeds the informal
economy all the same. As a result, the informal economy dominates
Yemen.
Castes and Social
Classes
Though most Yemenis
are of tribal origin, it is possible to make some distinctions as
regards social classes. There is a small upper class of Zaidi Ashraf
sayyids. These are all Hashemites, descendants of the Prophet’s
family (Sharif, Ashraf). They are considered wise and learned men,
and are traditionally consulted in important matters. The power and
influence of this group is somewhat diminishing as a consequence of
the Zaidi guerrilla in the North. There is another small upper class
of cadis, or religious judges.
Most Yemenis – the
people or al sha’ab – are tribal. Traditional tribals may
commute to towns and cities during business hours or for longer
periods, but remain attached and faithful to their territorial power
base in tribal areas. Urban tribals are slowly transforming into a
large middle class with tribal roots. Urban tribals are dominant
towards the south, where some families have turned into oligarchies
rather than tribal groups.
At the bottom of the
social pyramid there are two groups, the Akhdam and the Mazayy'na.
The Akhdam – of African roots and appearance – form an
underclass, spending their days sweeping the streets and cleaning
cities throughout Yemen. Estimates on the number of Akhdam variate
between half a million and three million. The Mazayy'na is a lesser known, small group of tribal Yemenis, who perform service
duties for their fellow tribal villagemen. They earn a living as
hairdressers, butchers and as servicemen in the hammams. Both groups
can be categorized as castes; escape from their social position –
through intermarriage with other groups or otherwise – is
impossible.
Education
Until the revolution
of 1962, education was the privilege of an elite offspring of sayyids
and cadis. Only a few schools existed. Since the revolution, schools
have been built across the country, educating new generations. Today,
just over half of all Yemeni adults are literate, with women catching
up rapidly through adult illiteracy eradication centres in all cities
and major towns. Yemini urban population enjoys an average of six
years of schooling, rural Yeminis an average of 2.2 years. Broken
down according to gender, these figures are 5.35 years for men and
1.45 years for women (figures 1999).
However, Yemen’s
education system is improving through the building of schools across
the country. Schools in Yemen are found on hilltops inbetween
villages and are used intensively. Morning sessions are usually for
primary pupils, afternoons for the older children. Fees are limited
to a few hundred riyals (a few dollars) per year, plus the cost of a
school uniform. Over three quarters of all smaller children now enter
primary school (figures 2005). Most of the boys finish primary
school. For girls this is different, only half of the 64% girls (up
from 45% in 2001) who enrol actually finish school, the rest dropping
out at the first sign of womanhood.
Only 21% of all
girls and 45% of all boys continue on to secondary education. These
figures drop to 5% and 18% for tertiary education. It is unclear
whether children belonging to the Akhdam underclass are educated, and
if so, how many. It is an unwritten rule that the Akhdam do not
qualify for social services, few Yemenis wanting, or allowing their
children, to mix with them.
Work
Yemen’s official
labour force is small. As there is no central system for recording
and analyzing data, figures regarding the Yemeni economy are very
unreliable. Unemployment estimates variate between 7% and 45%. In
2005, a consultant of the Ministry of Works estimated the number of
workers at roughly five million, of whom one million are unemployed.
These figures sound fairly feasible.
Given that half the
population is aged under fifteen, theoretically close to 700.000
young people join the labour market annually. However, most Yemenis
still work on their own land (52%, figure 2006) or are partially
(self-)employed in the informal sector. Of all Yemeni women, 60% work
unpaid, mostly on their own lands.
Women
Yemeni law places
women on an equal stand in society. But traditions often impede the
execution of these laws. For instance, women enjoy freedom of travel
according to the law. But unmarried women are often stopped and
turned back at airports if they are not accompanied by a male
relative. Married women need their husband’s consent to travel
abroad. Women’s wages are only 30% of that of men.
That said, women
hold much promise for Yemen. Girls often do better at school, as a
professional career is the best way to achieve independence. Also, as
girls are not supposed to hang around, they have ample time to study.
Most office work is performed by women, although their superior is
usually still a man. The acceptance of women in managerial and
political positions is small. Early 2008, an opinion poll indicated
that 53% of the respondents (of whom three quarters were educated
young males) opposed the election of a female mayor in Sana’a.
In 2006, the ruling
General People’s Congress made it one of their goals to integrate
more women into the economy, setting a target of 15% of all
government positions. However, a time frame for this target was not
formulated. Women represent 22% of the total labour force. For the
informal economy this figure is 38%, while the female segment of the
formal public sector is only 9%.
Banner: “I will
keep on emphasizing we have this 15% target. My male colleagues have
to employ more women at their ministries. It is a slow process. I
sometimes find it too slow. But you have to realise that women have only been getting
educated the past forty years.” (Amat Al-Razzaq Hommad, Minister for
Labour and Social Affairs, on the issue of women development)
As women –
involuntarily or not – lead a life separate from the male
population, solidarity is strong. There are two official women
movements, the National Women Committee and the Yemen Women Union,
both financially supported by (and integrated in) the government. In
some Yemeni towns women organize themselves in more grassroots women
centres, where they are educated or learn a craft or trade. This
offers them an opportunity to earn their own income, and achieve more
independence in the household.
Girls
Yemeni girls
generally do not get much room for self-development. The percentage
of ‘idle girls’ (fourteen years old, neither in school or at
work) in Yemen is the highest in the world: 44% (boys 18%), with an
urban-rural split of 18% and 52% (figures World Development Report
(wdr) 2007). In most families, girls are taken from school at a young
age, preparing for maternity. In the last decades, the average
marriage age for girls has risen from ten to fifteen years (for men
from 21 to 21.5), though child marriage in Yemen still reaches 52%
for girls (7% for boys, figures WDR 2006).
One in seven girls
gets married before reaching the age of fourteen. In 2008, an
amendment proposed by the National Women Committee to raise the
minimum marriage age to eigtheen years was rejected by Parliament.
Geographical variations are great. In Mukalla (south coast), the
average marriage age is ten, while in Hodaydah and Hadhramawt it is
eight (figures 2006). In the larger cities, however, modernization is
taking big steps. Girls are now entering the public space – the
streets – in fast growing numbers, although they remain veiled and
are a minority.
Box: “I will not
divorce her, and it is my right to keep her. No need to sleep with
her, at least I can have her as a wife. No power can stop me,” the
husband, Faez Ali Thamer, said in the Yemen Times of 13 April
2008, about the case filed against him by his eight-year-old wife,
Nujood Ali, after being physically and sexually abused for two months
by her new husband. The court ordered separation two days later.
“There are hundreds of Nujoods who have been subjected to sexual
abuse by mature men. The problem is that there is no law to punish
the father who marries off the child, the sheikh who allows the
marriage, or the husband who takes the child home to serve him as a
wife,” said Shatha Mohammed Nasser, the girl’s lawyer.
Health
Healthcare in Yemen
was virtually non-existent until the 1960s. Many hospitals and
medical outposts have been built, and thousands of doctors and health
workers have been educated since. However, many rural Yemenis live in
isolated villages, hours away from medical assistance. The knowledge
on health issues in the rural areas is still very limited. As a
consequence, there are regular outbreaks of diseases such as
tuberculosis and cholera, and periodic outbreaks of polio, rift fever
and bird flue. More than half the population – living in the lower
mountains and along the coast – is prone to malaria, resulting in
30.000 deaths a year. There are just over 2.000 reported cases of
HIV/Aids (figures 2007), although the regional office of the World
Health Organisation estimates the real figure to be tenfold.
Yemeni women have
for decades been the most fertile of the world, producing more then
eight children on average. This figure has dropped to just over six,
due to continuing efforts by a broad coalition of political,
religious and tribal leaders to emphasize the advantages of the
nuclear family. The use of contraceptives has risen from 10% to 25%
in the last decade. Maternal death has dropped from 1.4% to 0.3%, as
skilled health staff is now present at one in four births, which is
nearly double the figure of 1990, thanks to the tuition of thousands
of midwives. Child mortality (under five years) has dropped from 142
(per 1000) in 1990 to 111 in 2004, of whom 85 were infants.
Banner: A small pack
of condoms costs six riyals ($0,25), as stated on a large plaquette
at the entrance of the Dhamar health clinic. Most popular, says
director Nabila Al Fakih, is the iud, or intra uterine device
($2,50), followed by the birth control pill. The use of
contraceptives is increasing, encouraged by religious leaders and as
a result of a hard battled change in family law. Husbands are no
longer required to give legal consent.
Due to malnutrition,
close to half of all Yemeni children is underweight and a third
‘severely stunted’, or too short for their age. The widespread
and increasing use of qat does not contribute to good health, as it
stills the hunger feeling, wherefore people refrain from eating and
sleeping properly. Furthermore, increasing use of fertilizers and
pesticides in qat cultivation has led to numerous health problems.
Life expectancy for Yemeni women and men is 59 and 62 respectively,
of which 48 and 51 are spent in good health, leaving eleven years of
poor health for both.
Box: Studies show
that the incidence of heart attacks among qat chewers is 49% higher
than among non-chewers. Regular users suffer from bad gum disease, a
tendency to lose teeth, and a higher incidence of esophageal and
gastric cancers. The plant has also been related to a reduction in
sperm quality and impotency. Death from qat chewing is usually as a
result of the use of highly toxic chemical substances in cultivation.
It is mostly in connection with the Topaz chemical product, which is
used by farmers to prompt the growth of qat plants. Yemeni markets
are crammed with tens of internationally prohibited as well as
expired chemical products mostly used by qat farmers. (Yemen
Times, December 2005)
Crime and
Judiciary
For many years,
Yemen was believed to be one of the most heavily armed countries in
the world, as a result of the love of small firearms among its tribal
population. Tribals with a kalashnikov slung over their shoulder, a
pistol in the backpocket and the jambiyya dagger at their
waist have illustrated many news and country reports. Small firearms
remain popular in rural areas, but a recent arms ban has ended this
practice in urban areas. It is now believed there are between six and
nine million small firearms present in the country, previous
estimates numbering fifty million. This would mean forty guns per
hundred people, which is half the figure for the US.
The urban ban on
arms has contributed much to the decline in crime, which has
reportedly dropped by 35%. There is a slow increase of non-armed
crime, but it remains a minor problem compared to other countries,
with an official crime rate of 1.2, where the average is 33 (per 1000
people). Theft and robbery are virtually non-existent, cities are
very safe night and day. Laws on crime and sentencing – sharia
based – are rather harsh, with occasional public hangings of
murderers, public flogging and the amputation of hands of thieves and
robbers and public stoning of adulterers. The numbers of prisoners
vary between 3000 and 14.000. As a result of the northern guerrilla
and southern unrest, a growing number of (political) prisoners are
purportedly being held without charges and trial.
Yemen has often made
world headlines with exotic news on the kidnapping of tourists by
tribals. In the period 1996-2001, there were 47 kidnappings (of
foreigners), involving 114 tourists and 43 expatriates. However,
Yemeni kidnappings can be distinguished from ‘ordinary’ criminal
kidnappings. The prime reason for the abductions is to pressure the
government (and foreign oil companies) to build roads, schools and
medical facilities in neglected tribal areas. This is a continuation
of old practices, when rulers held tribal sons to force tribal
leaders into obedience. The kidnapped tourists and expatriates are
usually treated as guests and are released unharmed. After two lethal
kidnappings in 1999 (not by tribals but by al-Qaeda affiliates), the
government became less ‘lenient’ towards the tradition of
abductions.
Banner: ‘The
state, which on previous occasions has dealt with the tribe by
bargaining and granting kidnappers government posts and privileges,
enhanced and encouraged this phenomenon, allowing it to establish
itself firmly.’ Kidnapping researcher Abdulbari Tahir in Yemen
Times.
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